Archive for the ‘political influence’ Category

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Nikko Galicia

[FEU Law Legal Writing], December 5, 2014

WON: Church and State

Philippines is known for being a Christian nation in Asia, majority of people (90%) being of the Christian faith. [1] Our country is also known as a secular nation with a constitutional separation of church and state. [2] This separation is stated in our Constitution, under the Declaration of Principles, Bill of Rights, even in the Legislative Department. [3] Although, until now, the separation between the Church and State is still not clearly defined.

Earlier this year, a legal action has been filed against the Philippine Postal Corporation, for its issuance of postage stamps commemorating the 100th founding anniversary of Iglesia ni Cristo, on the grounds that it violates the Constitution on sponsorship of the religious activity. [4] The provision he raised reads:

“Article VI, Section 29. (2) No public money or property shall be appropriated, applied, paid, or employed, directly or indirectly, for the use, benefit, or support of any sect, church, denomination, sectarian institution, or system of religion, or of any priest, preacher, minister, or other religious teacher xxx”

Government officials commented on the matter, and both former Governor Dela Cruz and Presidential Spokesman Lacierda believes that the stamps are not unconstitutional, as they are only commemorative. [5]

A similar case has already been decided way back 1937 in Aglipay v. Ruiz, in issuance of postage stamp in commemorating the Eucharistic Assembly in Manila. [6] It was ruled in favor of the Government, explaining that the purpose and intent of the issuance was not for the benefit of the Roman Catholic Church, but the Government was only taking advantage of the event to raise funds as authorized by the law.

In a 1971 case decided by the US Supreme Court, it is where the “Lemon” test was introduced to determine the involvement of the Church in any Government activities. [7] Although the case has been decided in the US, it could be used as a guideline in Philippine courts. Lemon test have these points to answer; Purpose, Effect, Entanglement. On these three points, courts can determine if the intent of the law or government activity does support any system of religion. [8]

Given these laws, cases, and guidelines, Philippine government may say that there is indeed a separation of the Church and State, however, it is not clear where does the line that separates them reside, and we can only rely on the adversarial system to set that line for us.


[2] Id.
[3] 1987 Philippine Constitution,
Article II, Section 6. The separation of Church and State shall be inviolable.
Article III, Section 5. No law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever be allowed. No religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil or political rights.

Article VI, Section 29. (2) No public money or property shall be appropriated, applied, paid, or employed, directly or indirectly, for the use, benefit, or support of any sect, church, denomination, sectarian institution, or system of religion, or of any priest, preacher, minister, or other religious teacher, or dignitary as such, except when such priest, preacher, minister, or dignitary is assigned to the armed forces, or to any penal institution, or government orphanage or leprosarium.

[6] Aglipay v. Ruiz, G.R. No. L-45459, 64 Phil. 206, March 13, 1937
[8] Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 US 602, June 28, 1971



June 2, 2014

Posted on Philippine Daily Inquirer

I am intrigued by recent news reports disclosing that the government, through the Philippine Postal Corp., has authorized a special issue of commemorative postage stamps to mark the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC). The design of the stamp shows a portrait of Felix Y. Manalo and the main temple building of the INC in Quezon City with the words “Iglesia ni Cristo Centennial and First Executive Minister” inscribed thereon.

An interesting constitutional question that is provoked is whether or not the issuing of said stamps violates the constitutional ban against the appropriation and payment of public funds for the benefit or support of any sect, church, sectarian institution or system of religion (Section  29(2), Article VI, 1987 Constitution) which is a direct corollary of the principle of separation of church and state (Section 6, Article II, 1987 Constitution).

The INC is unquestionably a religious sect, church or sectarian institution. As I see it, the issuance of the stamps in question is assailable on constitutional grounds insofar as it entails the appropriation and payment of public money that redound to the benefit and support of the INC. It is evidently the purpose of the stamp issue to focus attention on the INC religion. The publicity engendered and the resulting propaganda received by the INC are quite obvious.

I see no legitimate secular objective of the appropriation of public funds for issuing the stamps in question. Nor am I aware of any government event, occasion or activity of public interest or significance to be commemorated thereby. There is, in fact, every reason to assume that the issuance of the INC stamp is per se inspired by a sectarian feeling to favor or benefit the INC.

In all candor, I am intolerant of any attempt, such as the issuance of the stamps in question, to infringe a constitutional inhibition. I cannot relish the idea of our government undertaking an activity that may trigger the belief that it is taking sides or favoring a particular religious sect. I am even tempted to assume that the functionaries concerned made use of poor judgment or were ill-advised in issuing the stamps in question.

By Ron B. Lopez

October 14, 2013 (updated)

Posted on Manila Bulletin


The wide medical mission of the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) on Monday drew criticisms and disappointments from commuters and workers as it caused heavy traffic situations in the whole Metro Manila, prompting commuters to walk extra miles or take different routes to reach their destinations.

While recognizing the good intention of the medical mission which was projected to attract 1.6 million INC followers, affected public criticized the huge inconvenience that the event brought to the whole metro, which also prompted local government units to cancel classes, including some colleges, in thirteen cities and one municipality in Metro Manila.

Human Rights lawyer Harry Roque turned to social networking site Twitter to expressed his frustration over the event. “Iglesia ni Cristo holds medical mission and I lose on tuition money that I’ve paid? I want my kids to go to class!” Roque said.

Most people have criticized the day and venue of the medical mission which was set at Quaipo, Manila, with simultaneous activities in other areas in Manila.

Rolando Dalisay gave a piece of advice: “Hope INC will consider doing all these not simultaneously to avoid disruption of people movements, it is counter-productive.”

Writer Norman Sison asked: “If the INC medical mission really about public service, why does it have to cause necessary public disruption?”

Meanwhile, Rain Balares “smells” something on the medical mission of the religious group. “Government allowing this Manila-wide INC medical mission on a weekday, resulting to(sic) backbreaking traffic. Smells like 2016 elections to me,” he said.

Even the Supreme Court Spokesperson Theodore Te was affected by the INC mission. A seemingly annoyed Te has turned to Twitter to vent his questions seeking a “LOGICAL reason” on why the event was permitted by the authorities. He specifically mentioned Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada, Vice Mayor Isko Moreno, MMDA chairman Francis Tolentino, and Interior and Local Government Secretary Mar Roxas who have the power over the area.

“Two hours for a drive that usually takes 20 minutes. Thank you to the mayor and vice mayor of Manila and the peripherals like the @MMDA,” he tweeted.

The Supreme Court itself has been affected by the event as Chief Justice Lourdes Sereno “ordered the suspension of work for the SC and CA including the SB and CTA plus the courts of Manila and QC only, starting at 1:30 PM today,” according to the announcement of the SC Public Information Office.

On the other hand, Popi Sunga asked “how many billions of pesos this INC activity will cost us” considering that based on a study, “the average daily traffic jam in Manila costs P2.4 billion,” he said.

Sen. Miriam Defensor Santiago said that “There is a message behind the INC event today,” and that “if you are a politician and you don’t get it, you are a fool.”



Inquirer columnist Randy David spoke of a “gridlock culture” in his Feb. 29 commentary in relation to the Iglesia ni Cristo prayer rally that paralyzed Metro Manila traffic the previous day.

We might as well speak of a political gridlock arising from the propensity of some politicians, such as Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago, to throw their weight around—literally and figuratively—as we have seen in the ongoing Corona impeachment trial.

Prosecution lawyer Vitaliano Aguirre is right: If you demand respect, you must see to it that you yourself deserve respect. Santiago has lost all credibility by lawyering for Corona even as she sits as a senator-judge. I think she is a teacher by negative example to the 3,000 Bar passers whom Chief Justice Renato Corona vainly tried to recruit to his defense team, but whose sense of propriety prevented them from doing so.

As to the Iglesia ni Cristo, they may be contributing to the political gridlock as well by mixing politics and religion, but after a fashion. Or not too well. They said that the Luneta prayer rally was a purely evangelical event. But we all know it plays politics come every election, in exchange for political concessions, such as appointments of members to certain positions. The group held a similar prayer rally that was an undisguised show of support for Erap when he was impeached in 2000, but look what happened. I wonder how it would react if Corona is unceremoniously booted out of his Padre Faura office kicking and screaming after the Senate impeachment court is through with him?



By Conrado de Quiros

Philippine Daily Inquirer

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo had the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, Renato Corona has the Iglesia ni Cristo.

Well, Arroyo had the INC, too, especially toward the end of her rule when the CBCP had a change of heart, following the change of leadership from Fernando Capalla to Angel Lagdameo, which was quite a sea change from hell to heaven. Arroyo had a change of heart, too, and turned from one Mafiosi to another. She so tried to make sipsip, or ingratiate herself, to the INC in the twilight of her rule that she even declared the day of Eraño Manalo’s death a day of mourning, a national holiday. Not unlike Ferdinand Marcos declaring Sept. 21, 1972, a day of national thanksgiving.

The INC has grown over the years to become the second biggest church in this country. You’ve got to wonder, though, what it is asking its fold to do. Over the same years it has grown, it has been trying to keep certain prominent citizens out of jail or, in the case of public officials, keeping them in power. Take Lope Jimenez, the prime suspect in the murder of his niece-in-law Ruby Rose Barrameda-Jimenez. The suspected killer pointed to him and his brother, Mariano, as the ones who had ordered him to abduct and murder Ruby Rose, and then seal her body in cement inside a metal drum. The kin of Ruby Rose allege that Lope joined the INC to begin with to protect his fishing business. Arroyo’s last justice secretary, Agnes Devanadera, dropped the case against him before she went. Leila de Lima has resurrected it.

The INC as well has tried to influence the court in Jason Ivler’s case. Ivler of course was that vicious thug who shot that young man, Renato Ebarle, in cold blood over a trifling traffic altercation. He was the same vicious thug who shot it out with cops when they discovered his hideout and arrested him. This is the guy the INC wants free to roam the same streets our kids do.

Indeed, Eraño Manalo’s INC (like Capalla’s CBCP) was hugely responsible for propping up Arroyo’s rule, particularly after the sound of Arroyo’s grating voice helloing Garci hit the airwaves.

Not too long ago, the INC made headlines by railing against the government for axing Magtanggol Gatdula, the director of the National Bureau of Investigation and an INC stalwart. P-Noy himself did the axing after finding out that Gatdula had a hand in the illegal detention of a Japanese fugitive. Despite De Lima’s strenuous attestations that the justice department did its homework before recommending Gatdula’s dismissal, the INC complained that he was not given a chance to explain.

And now Corona.

A few months ago, the INC held a political rally thinly disguised as a prayer camp-out to express support for him. And not quite incidentally to give the world to glimpse its clout, a thing especially addressed to the senators and congressmen, some of whom would be seeking a new lease on life in next year’s elections. Today, as this newspaper reported several days ago, it has been going around trying to persuade the senator-judges to find Corona innocent as grace in exchange for a boost to their political ambition. As Faustian an exchange as you could get.

All of this must make us ask: Why do we allow this?

Why do we allow the INC to begin with to interfere in elections? We know that INC members vote as a bloc for the candidates of their leaders’ choosing. We know this because that church doesn’t bother to hide it; it parades it as one of the reasons for joining it or currying its favor. At least the Catholic Church believes in giving to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and to God’s the things that are God’s. This one believes in socking it to Caesar, or sucking up to Caesar, in God’s name. This is out-and-out flouting of the separation of Church and State, a thing expressly forbidden in a democracy. And yet we see no law stopping it, and yet we see only politicians seeking to profit from it.


by Philip M. Lustre Jr.

The Iglesia Ni Cristo is a minority church that is always on the wrong side of history. It has a track record of supporting most unholy causes to pursue certain opportunistic objectives.

It supported the Marcos dictatorial rule and, until its tragic end, it did not say anything, much less act, against the three ills that plagued the Marcos regime: the over centralized graft allegedly committed by Marcos, his family and friends; the unrestrained crony capitalism that benefited Marcos and his crony friends; and, the wanton disregard and violations of human rights that led to torture and disappearances of thousands of political activists and even ordinary citizens.

It is notorious for supporting candidates in every election. Voting as a bloc, the INC is reported to have been using as political leverage its capacity to marshal political support from its members.

It is said to have been currying favor from political leaders, whom it feels to have given the political support to win in elections. It pushes, albeit quietly and without fanfare, the appointment of its members for key government posts. Lately, it is said to have been pushing for the appointments of certain friendly but unqualified non-INC members, but to no avail.

Political opportunism is its hallmark. In the 2010 elections, it was said to have backed up the candidacy of another presidential candidate, but left him for good after he was certain to lose. On the last minutes, it went to support Benigno Aquino III, who incidentally won by more than five million votes from his nearest rival.

Political scientists once studied the INC’s capability and capacity to influence the course of Philippine history. While its members are reputed to vote like automatons in every election, its influence is not that deep.

It could influence the electoral outcome in some local posts, especially in hotly contested congressional districts, cities, towns and provinces. The INC vote could represent the swing vote in those political constituencies.

In national elections, the INC influence is doubtful except for the last two or three slots of the top 12 in every senatorial elections.

Political scientists estimated that the INC bloc is good for 1.2 or 1.3 million votes. While it could monitor the votes in the Culiat area, which hosts its national headquarters in Quezon City, or San
Juan City, where its first church is located, it could hardly monitor votes of its flock in other areas outside of Culiat and San Juan.

In short, its political influence is exaggerated, owing largely to media reports that tend to describe this minority church as powerful and influential.

The political record of the INC is not the only object of concern. The INC is not exactly endearing to the labor movement because of its leaders’ abhorrence to join any legitimate action by workers against business establishments.

Henry Sy’s SM, notorious for allegedly circumventing the Labor Code to its corporate interest, has adopted as an unwritten policy the hiring of workers belonging to INC for reason of “industrial peace.” The same thing has been happening in certain industrial enclaves.

A labor leader once harshly described the INC as “the religion of the scabs.”

Last year, the INC supported then Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez, asking certain lawmakers, whom it supported in the 2010 polls, to vote against her impeachment. But an overwhelming majority of the members of the House of Representatives voted for her impeachment, causing
embarrassment for the minority church.

This week, the INC mobilized its members to support embattled Renato Corona in what appears to be a show of force on Tuesday. But it remains questionable whether it could match what the majority church and certain minority churches could jointly muster in certain issues.

As the impeachment trial shows, Corona’s removal from office could be another big embarrassment for the INC, just like what had happened to Gutierrez, who, after she was impeached, chose to quietly resign her post.

Read more here

PRESIDENT Noy, in his search for people to fill up key positions in his administration, has allegedly displeased a religious sect that supported him in the last election.

By Ramon Tulfo

Iglesia ni Cristo’s Executive Minister Eduardo Manalo has allegedly written the President to ignore all his recommendees for some positions in government, according to a source close to Ka Eduardo, as he is known to his flock.

The source claimed that Ka Eduardo had said in his letter that the INC was freeing the President from the pressure of considering people recommended by the church for certain posts in his government.

My source inside the INC said there were positions that Ka Eduardo had asked P-Noy to fill up with persons from the ranks of the INC, but such requests were allegedly ignored.

The source added that the INC head had said that those whom P-Noy has appointed to key positions upon his recommendation can either be removed or they can choose to resign.

One of INC’s recommendees is Director Magtanggol Gatdula of National Bureau of Investigation (NBI).

The source said the religious sect’s withdrawal of support from the Aquino administration is expected to have grave political repercussions for the fledgling administration.

* * *
P-Noy should stand up to the Catholic Church as well.

Catholic priests and bishops have been interfering in the affairs of the past presidents, especially the one that P-Noy succeeded.

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was reported to have given in to almost all the orders to her by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP).

The President, a Catholic, should show that he has a mind of his own by turning down directives from the CBCP if such orders run contrary to the people’s welfare.

He should ask his allies in the House of Representatives and in the Senate to pass the Reproductive Health Bill that aims to control our exploding population by giving couples a choice of birth control methods.

Most Filipinos, including Catholics, want the controversial bill passed.

* * *
Ironically, people who are scared of going to hell are sinners.

They commit sin, according to the definition of most religions, more than people who don’t care at all.

Those people who fear the fires of hell go to church every Sunday and pray fervently for their salvation. But when they get home from church they treat their housemaids like slaves.

And if they are government officials, they steal from the people without mercy.

* * *
I remember helping a housemaid who was hit with a chopping board in the face by her employer so many times that she looked like a character from the movie, “Planet of the Apes.”

Zenaida Latoga was 25 years old when she escaped from her employer of 10 years and was wandering aimlessly on a street in Mandaluyong when she was picked up by Good Samaritans and taken to “Isumbong mo kay Tulfo” office several years ago.

I noticed that she was wearing a bell attached to a rope around her waist. She said it was so her employer would know in what part of the house she was.

I had the employer arrested the same day by agents of the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG).

You know who visited the employer at the police precinct?

Her fellow church members who prayed over her so she would be saved from the clutches of evil!

Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 23:52:00 08/06/2010
Filed Under: Religions, Benigno Aquino III, Government

Atty James Benedict Panopio

Free speech is very important, if not indispensable, in a democratic and republican State. For without it, democracy fails. As noted by a well-known author in constitutional law, “this is the first right that is always curtailed when a free society falls under a repressive regime.”


The freedom which our very own Supreme Court once called as “the matrix, the indispensable condition of nearly every other freedom”1 sprouted again in a controversial dispute between two of our country’s
religious organizations, the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) and the Church of God, also known as “Ang Dating Daan,” thanks to the participation of the government through the Movie and Television Review and Classification
Board (MTRCB).

Since this cherished liberty was introduced to our islands in the early 1900s, it has already been the subject of many disputes or events which shaped Philippine jurisprudence, as well as our own history as a country. Now, in our high-tech and gizmo dominated world, without our country being subjected to another tyrannical rule, few would anticipate that a century-old right would still be involved in an ardently contested issue among our technology-buff citizens.

But an old thing does not mean that it can not anymore be “hot” or “in,” especially so if it is, in the words of Wendell Phillips, “the instrument and guarantee and the bright and consummate flower of all liberty,” or, to
paraphrase our Supreme Court in one case,2 the guarantee to which the other provisions of the Bill of Rights and the right to free elections may be guaranteed. In short, the mother of all liberties.

Moreover, this right should, with more reason, be the subject of more controversies considering the fact that with the advancement of technology, especially those related to communications like television, cell phones, and the internet, goes with it the broadening of the modes of communicating speeches, which is the very thing this right seeks to protect. And as the modes of conveying speeches increase, the government interest in, sort of, regulating these expressions also increases apparently pursuant to some of its state policies as the guardian of the welfare of the people.

Going back to the controversial dispute, the questions that would first bug our minds are: How did the freedom of speech get involved in the dispute between INC and Ang Dating Daan? Is it not that the usual issue or dispute between and among religious organizations is their differing and contradictory doctrinal stances, not to mention the common accusations of membership poaching since the game now depends on
numbers, the more you have, the stronger is your organization, but definitely not free speech? What was the participation of the government in the controversy? Is it not more likely for the freedom of religion to be
involved instead of the freedom of speech? To better understand how the right to free speech got caught up in the controversial dispute between the forementioned religious organizations, a detailed statement of the facts becomes necessary.

The INC filed complaints for violation of PD 1986 against “Ang Dating Daan’s” Eliseo Soriano, et al., respondents herein, before the MTRCB alleging that the latter, with malice and bad intentions, have been
referring to “Iglesia ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo” in their television programs which maligns, offends and destroys the good name and reputation of the INC as a religious organization. The INC also claimed that Soriano, et al. have been indecently and indiscriminately throwing invectives such as “gago, tarantado, demonyo, and other words of similar import” against complainants.

Upon filing of the complaints, the Chairman of the MTRCB created an Adjudication Committee to handle the complaints. The Committee heard the parties who agreed to a sort of two-week truce. Unfortunately, the parties came again to the Board to inform the latter that there were apparent violations of the gentlemen’s agreement and agreed to submit the case for decision.

On April 14, 2005, the MTRCB rendered a decision decreeing that it has jurisdiction over the case (citing Section 3 (c) vi of PD 1986) and that the Soriano, et al. are enjoined from addressing complainant “Iglesia
ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo” and from using such other descriptions as are not in accordance with law, good customs and contemporary Filipino cultural values. The Board found that the admitted references by Soriano et al. of “Iglesia ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo” are indeed defamatory or at least destructive of the name and reputation of “Iglesia ni Cristo” as a duly registered religious organization.

On April 21, 2005, Soriano et al. filed a motion for reconsideration of the Board’s decision dated April 14, 2005.

On April 28, 2005, INC filed an Urgent Motion for the Issuance of Suspension and/or Ban Order before the Board for respondents’ violations of the April 14 decision by addressing the complainant INC as “Iglesia ni
Manalo” in their television programs “Itanong Mo Kay Soriano” and “Ang Dating Daan” on April 25 and 27, 2005.

On May 5, 2005, a hearing was held on the aforecited motions. In support of its motion, INC presented two witnesses. The first witness testified that on May 2, 2005, he monitored the program “Itanong Mo Kay
Soriano” of Eliseo F. Soriano and was able to make a list of the “biblical errors” committed by respondent Soriano and company. He likewise affirmed that he prepared a second list of the statements made by
respondents addressing complainant INC as “Iglesia ni Manalo.” The second witness testified that he caused the recording of the television program of the respondents on April 26 and 27, 2005. The Board admitted
the complainant’s testimonial and documentary evidence and for the purpose/s for which they were offered.

On respondents’ part, their counsel manifested that they reserve their right to address their position in the Petition for Injunction with prayer for TRO filed by respondents before the RTC of QC. In addition, counsel pleaded that with the filing of a Petition for Injunction before the RTC, the Board should refrain from hearing classification, and has no authority to approve or disapprove respondent’s television programs.

On May 7, 2005, the Board resolved to grant complainants’ Urgent Motion for the Issuance of Suspension and/or Ban Order. The Board found out that respondents utterly disregarded the order of the Board enjoining
them from addressing complainant “Iglesia ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo” when they referred to the INC as “Iglesia ni Manalo” on various dates and time (April 26, April 27, May 2 and May 3, 2005) in their television programs “Itanong Mo Kay Soriano” and “Ang Dating Daan.” Thus, the Board resolved: a) to permanently enjoin respondents from addressing, referring and/or alluding to INC as “Iglesia ni Manalo”; b) to suspend respondents’ television programs, specifically, “Itanong Mo Kay Soriano”, “Ex Man”, “Ang Biblia” and “Ang Dating Daan”, from being broadcasted and/or aired over free and/or cable television for a period of thirty (30) days from receipt of the Order; and c) to enjoin respondents from directly or indirectly causing the production, broadcast or airing of the aforecited television programs or programs of similar nature or format over free and/or cable television for a period of thirty (30) days from receipt of the Order.

On May 9, 2005, all parties through their respective counsels of record received copies of the May 7 Order. On the same day, MTRCB personnel, who were tasked earlier in the day by the Board to monitor respondents on television for possible violation/s of the said Order, reported that respondent UNTV-37 has been intermittently broadcasting programs of its co-respondents Eliseo Soriano and company. It was also reported
that on or about 11:30 pm of the same day until about 1:00 am of the following day, Eliseo Soriano and other respondents appeared on television over the station National Broadcasting Network.

On May 10, 2005, compelled by, in the words of the MTRCB, respondents’ fearless insolence of the Board’s order, the Board sought the assistance of the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) for the enforcement and implementation of its May 7 Order.

On May 11, 2005, NTC Commissioner Ronaldo Solis issued a letter addressed to respondent Eliseo Soriano copy furnished respondent UNTV-37 requiring them to strictly comply with the Board’s Order dated May 7.
However, when the representatives of the MTRCB and NTC proceeded to respondents’ television station at Ortigas Center, Pasig City, to serve the said letter, respondents refused to receive the same and further refused to identify themselves.

From May 9 to May 11, 2005, respondent UNTV-37 broadcasted or aired programs of respondent Eliseo Soriano.

On May 12, 2005, the MTRCB issued another Order indefinitely suspending the respondents Soriano et al. from appearing in any programs broadcasted or aired over any free and/or cable television.3

II. THE QUESTION: MTRCB Order, a Prior Restraint?

After knowing the facts of the case, we would naturally ask the following questions: Is the order of the MTRCB indefinitely suspending respondents Eliseo Soriano et al. of Ang Dating Daan from appearing in any programs in television valid and legal? Is it not violative of the respondents’ constitutional right to freedom of speech? Is it not a form of prior restraint abhorred by the Constitution?

In order to answer these questions, we have to go back first and review the history as well as the basic principles, doctrines, and concepts relating to the constitutional right of free speech.

Freedom of speech was a concept unknown to Philippine jurisprudence prior to 1900.4 It is a common law doctrine, which was first elevated to a constitutional principle through the First Amendment
of the American Federal Constitution.5 The First Amendment provides: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people to peaceably assemble, and to petition the government for a redress
of grievances.6

The U.S. Supreme Court speaking on the historical backdrop of the guarantee has this to say:

The First Amendment’s guarantee of “the freedom of speech, or of the press” prohibits a wide assortment of governmental restraints upon expression but the core abuse against which it was directed was the scheme of licensing laws implemented by the monarch and Parliament to contain the “evils” of the printing
press in 16th and 17th century England. The Printing Act of 1662 had “prescribed what could be printed, who could print, and who could sell.” Mayton, Toward a Theory of First Amendment Process: Injunctions of Speech, Subsequent Punishment, and the Costs of the Prior Restraint Doctrine, 67 Cornell L. Rev. 245, 248 (1982). It punished the publication of any book or pamphlet without a license and required that all
works be submitted for approval to a government official, who wielded broad authority to suppress works that he found to be “heretical, seditious, schismatical, or offensive.” F. Siebert, Freedom of the Press in England, 1476-1776, p.240 (1952). The English licensing system expired at the end of the 17th century,
but the memory of its abuses was still vivid enough in colonial times that Blackstone warned against the “restrictive power” of such a “licenser” – an administrative official who enjoyed unconfined authority to pass judgment on the content of speech.4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 152

Although it was one of the burning issues during the Filipino campaign against Spain and was, in fact, a prime cause of the revolution, the privilege was not known by Filipinos until its guarantee was transplanted to the Philippines by President McKinley’s Instruction to the second Philippine Commission in the early 1900s.

The Instruction’s text, lifted bodily from the Federal Constitution of the United States and reproduced without alteration in both the Philippine Bill and the Autonomy Act, brought the guarantee to the Philippines
weighted with all the applicable jurisprudence of American constitutional cases.8 The same guarantee, unaltered in form, became part of the 1935 Philippine Constitution. It remained unaltered in the 1973 Constitution, and remains unaltered in the 1987 Constitution, with the only addition of the phrase “of expression,” which was considered as a minor amendment. The reason for retaining the 1935 and 1973 texts was that the provision had become the subject of an extensive body of jurisprudence, both
Philippine and American, and should be preserved.9

The philosophical basis of the free speech was eloquently stated by Justice Holmes in his dissent in Abrams v. United States10 where he argued that “the ultimate good desired is better reached by free
trade in ideas:”

Persecution for the expression of opinions seems to me perfectly logical. If you have no doubt of your premises or your power, and want a certain result with all your heart, you naturally express your wishes in law, and sweep away all opposition. To allow opposition by speech seems to indicate that you think the
speech impotent, as when a man says that he has squared the circle, or that you do not care wholeheartedly for the result, or that you doubt either your power or your premises. But when
men have realized that time has upset many fighting faiths, they may come to believe even more than they believe the very foundations of their own conduct that the ultimate good desired is better reached by free power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out. That, at any rate, is the theory
of our Constitution. It is an experiment, as all life is an experiment. Every year, if not every day, we have to wager our salvation upon some prophecy based upon imperfect knowledge.

While that experiment is part of our system, I think that we should be eternally vigilant against attempts to check the expression of opinions that we loathe and believe to be fraught with death, unless they so imminently threaten immediate interference with the lawful and pressing purposes of the law
that an immediate check is required to save the country.


“Section 4. No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.”11

The Free Speech clause is a guarantee against prior restraint or censorship and subsequent punishment. Consistent with its intended role in society, it means that the people are kept from any undue interference
from the government in their thoughts and words. The guarantee basically flows from the philosophy that the authorities do not necessarily know what is best for the people.12

An eminent constitutionalist also said that the ideas that may be expressed under this freedom are not confined only to those that are sympathetic or acceptable to the majority.13 Otherwise, that would make
the freedom more shadow than substance. Necessarily, the freedom must allow for disagreements and dissents. As Justice Holmes put it in his dissent in U.S. v. Schwimmer,14 “free thought-not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought that we hate.” Thus, as Justice Jackson wrote in West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette,15 “Compulsory unification of opinion achieves only unanimity of the

The freedom is said to also include the right to be silent, the right to an audience, the right to listen as well as the right not to listen.16 Also, among the most cherished liberties in a free society, it is said that freedom
of speech occupies a preferred and predominant status.17

Prior Restraint
This is the first prohibition of the free speech clause. Prior restraint means official governmental restrictions on the press or other forms of expression in advance of actual publication or dissemination.18 It conditions the exercise of the right to free speech upon the prior approval of the government. However, the restraint need not be a total suppression, even a partial one may be considered to be violative of the guarantee.
Examples of prior restraint range from licensing systems administered by an executive officer to movie censorships, and even court injunctions. Hence, in Ayer Productions Pty. Ltd. v. Capulong,19 the Supreme Court held that an injunction stopping the production of a documentary film was an invalid prior restraint on freedom of speech and of expression. It should also be noted that the freedom of broadcast media is lesser
in scope than the press because of its pervasive presence in the lives of people and its accessibility to children. This is true to both radio and television.20 Thus, it has been said that there is a preferential treatment in the matter of prior restraint given to the press that has not been extended
with equal vigor to radio, television and motion pictures.

Subsequent Punishment

Free speech includes freedom after the speech. It also guarantees freedom from punishment after publication or dissemination of the speech. This is because an unrestrained threat of subsequent punishment itself would operate as a very effective prior restraint. As Cooley put it, “the mere exemption from previous restraint cannot be all that is secured by the constitutional provisions, inasmuch as of words to be uttered orally there can be no previous censorship, and the liberty of the press might be rendered a mockery and a delusion, and the phrase itself a byword if, while every man was at liberty to publish what he
pleased, the public authorities might nevertheless punish him for harmless publications.”21

Furthermore, although the language of the Constitution appears to be absolute and unqualified, this is not so, because there are certain well-defined and narrowly limited exceptions. These include the lewd
and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or “fighting” words – those which, by their very utterance, inflict injury or tend to incite as immediate breach of peace.22 These exceptions are also
known as the unprotected speeches.

In regulating the so-called unprotected speeches, there are three basic standards which the State may use – the “clear and present danger” test, the “dangerous tendency” test and the “balancing-of-
interest” test.

Clear and Present Danger Test
The “clear and present danger” test, which is the most libertarian, requires that the evil consequence of the comment or utterance must be “extremely serious and the degree of imminence extremely high” before the utterance can be punished. This was formulated by Justice Holmes in Schenck v. United States,23 “The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree.” Our Supreme Court is now maintaining this test as first applied in the case of Primicias v. Fugoso.24

Dangerous Tendency Test
The “dangerous tendency” test, which is the rule used before the adoption of the “clear and present danger” test, requires that “if the words uttered create a dangerous tendency which the State has a right to prevent, then such words are punishable. It is not necessary that some definite or immediate acts of force, violence, or unlawfulness be advocated. It is sufficient that such acts be advocated in general terms.”25 This test is the one being used during the American occupation apparently to discourage attacks against the American Administration.

Balancing-of-Interest Test
The “balancing-of-interest” test requires a careful balancing of the interests and values of society in regard to the regulation of a particular expression. The principle requires a court to take conscious and detailed consideration of the interplay of interests observable in a given situation or type of situation.26

Chilling Effect Principle
This is a form of self-censorship that the Free Speech Clause seeks to prevent. As noted by an author in constitutional law, having people keep quiet out of their own self-induced fears society suffers as much as when their mouths are kept shut by the authorities for in both instances, society may never get to hear whatever the muted voices might have contributed for the betterment of their world.27 As stated by Justice Abad Santos in his dissent in Babst v. National Intelligence Board,28 “Fear indeed can have a paralyzing effect.”

Facial Challenges and the Overbreadth Doctrine
Relevant to any discussion of free speech and the chilling effect principle are the concepts of “facial challenges” and the “overbreadth doctrine” which are rather peculiar with regulations affecting speech
and the press.29 “Facial challenge to a statute is allowed only when it operates in the area of freedom of expression… Invalidation of the statute ‘on its face’ rather than ‘as applied’ is permitted in the interest
of preventing a chilling effect on freedom of expression.”30 The overbreadth doctrine permits a party to challenge the validity of a statute even though as applied to him it is not unconstitutional but it might be if applied to others not before the Court whose activities are constitutionally protected.31 The showing that a law punishes a “substantial” amount of protected speech, “judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep,” suffices to invalidate all enforcement of that law, “until and unless a limiting construction
or partial invalidation so narrows it as to remove the seeming threat or deterrence to constitutionally protected expression.”32

VI. ANALYSIS: MTRCB’s Gag Order v. Ang Dating Daan’s Soriano and Other Respondents’ Right to Free Speech
Having these basic concepts, principles and doctrines governing the freedom of speech in mind, we now take up the main issue i.e. whether the Order of MTRCB indefinitely suspending “Ang Dating Daan’s” Eliseo Soriano and other respondents from appearing in any programs broadcasted or aired over any free and/or cable television is violative of their right to free speech. Based on the facts and the law governing the case, the answer must be in the affirmative. The MTRCB Order violates Soriano and other respondents’ right to free
speech for the following reasons:

First, the MTRCB’s Order indefinitely suspending Soriano et al. from appearing on television is plain and simple a prior restraint to their exercise of free speech. The MTRCB did not only disapprove or ban any of the respondents’ television programs, but worse it gagged the respondents from appearing on television thereby effectively muzzling them of their right to speech. Settled in jurisprudence is that motion pictures, to which class we can say television programs or the right to appear on television logically belongs, come under
the constitutional protection of free speech.33 The MTRCB Order in effect restrained the respondents even before they could speak.

Second, the MTRCB Order indefinitely suspending Soriano et al. from appearing on television did not fall under any exception to the free speech clause (or the so-called unprotected speeches) like cases involving pornography, excessive violence, or danger to national security. Rather, the order was issued in response to the respondents’ defiance of an earlier ruling of the MTRCB prohibiting them from appearing on television. Hence, the MTRCB is clearly without any power to restrain respondents in their exercise of their right to free

Moreover, the issuance of the assailed Order clearly goes beyond the powers of the MTRCB as enumerated under Section 334

There is no mention of the power to prohibit or suspend any person from appearing on television.

Also, the argument that the MTRCB may issue such suspension order against the respondents based on Section 3 (k) of P.D. 1986, which provides that the Board shall “exercise such other powers and functions as may be necessary or incidental to the attainment of the purposes and objectives of this Act…,” is without merit, for to do so would again amount to a prior restraint on the respondents’ exercise of their right to free speech. What the MTRCB could have done is to exercise their power “to cause the prosecution, on behalf of the People of the Philippines, of violators of this Act, of anti-trust, obscenity, censorship and other laws pertinent to the movie and television industry” in a court of law.

Third, even assuming that the MTRCB Order indefinitely suspending Soriano et al. from appearing on television is based on the alleged libelous statement by the respondents where they referred to “Iglesia ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo,” which the MTRCB declared as defamatory or at least destructive of the name and reputation of “Iglesia Ni Cristo” as a duly registered religious organization, that still does not warrant “prior restraint” or indefinite suspension of the respondents from appearing on television. The MTRCB should have
been more circumspect before issuing the suspension order, which would definitely undermine a precious right in our hierarchy of civil liberties.

If the INC is of the view that such statements are defamatory or destructive to its name and reputation, then it should have filed a libel case against the respondents in our courts. The MTRCB is not the
proper forum. Hence, the MTRCB is without any power to restrain or indefinitely suspend respondents from appearing on television. The dissent of Justice Mendoza in Iglesia ni Cristo v. Court of Appeals36 is instructive, “Censorship (or prior restraint) may be allowed only in a narrow class of cases involving pornography, excessive violence, and danger to national security. Even in these cases, only courts can prohibit the showing of a film or the broadcast of a program. In all other cases, the only remedy against
speech which creates a clear and present danger to public interests is through subsequent punishment (emphasis supplied).” Clearly, assuming that the statement of respondents calling “Iglesia ni Cristo” as “Iglesia ni Manalo” is libelous, the remedy is subsequent punishment, but not prior restraint or indefinite suspension.

Worth quoting also is the dissent of Justice Kapunan in Iglesia ni Cristo,37 “Even if the exercise of the liberties protected by the speech, expression and religion clauses of our Constitution are regarded as neither
absolute nor unlimited, there are appropriate laws which deal with such excesses. The least restrictive alternative would be to impose subsequent sanctions for proven violations of laws, rather than inflict prior restraints on religious expression.” Further he adds, “Our penal law punishes libel, or acts or speeches offensive to other religions, and awards damages whenever warranted. In our legal scheme, courts essentially remain the arbiters of the controversies affecting the civil and political rights of persons. It is
our courts which determine whether or not certain forms of speech and expression have exceeded the bounds of correctness, propriety or decency as to fall outside the area of protected speech.” (Emphases supplied) As ruled by the Court, through Justice Puno, in Iglesia ni Cristo,38 “Deeply ensconced in our fundamental law is its hostility against all prior restraints on speech… Hence, any act that restrains
speech is hobbled by the presumption of invalidity and should be greeted with furrowed brows. It is the burden of the respondent Board (the censor) to over-throw this presumption. If it fails to discharge
this burden, its act of censorship will be struck down.” The MTRCB miserably failed to do so in the case at bar.

P.D. No 1986, also known as the MTRCB Charter, is said to have “symptoms of unconstitutionality” for being violative of the Free Speech Clause under the Constitution. But remaining judicially unchallenged since the martial law years, it is still a valid and effective law as of this precise moment of the writing of this piece. It would be educational to point out and discuss briefly the features of the MTRCB Charter which are apparently unconstitutional.

First, since the text of our free speech clause was lifted from its counterpart in the American Federal Constitution, it brought the guarantee to the Philippines weighted with all the applicable jurisprudence of
American constitutional cases. And one of these cases in American constitutional law is the case of Freedman v. Maryland,39 which laid down the strict standards and procedural safeguards for movie censorship.

Apparently, however, the MTRCB Charter violates the strict standards and procedural safeguards in Freedman. In that case, the Court said: Prior submission of a film to a censor avoids constitutional
infirmity only if it takes place under procedural safeguards designed to obviate dangers of a censorship system. First, the burden of proving that the film is unprotected expression must rest on the censor… Second, … the requirement cannot be administered in a manner which would lend an effect of finality
to the censor’s determination… The teaching of our cases is that, because only a judicial determination in an adversary proceeding ensures the necessary sensitivity to freedom of expression, only a procedure requiring a judicial determination suffices to impose a valid final restraint… To this end, the exhibitor must be assured,
by statute or authoritative judicial construction, that the censor will, within a specified brief period, either issue a license or go to court to restrain showing the film. Any restraint imposed in advance of a final judicial determination on the merits must similarly be limited to preservation of the status quo for the
shortest fixed period compatible with sound judicial resolution. Moreover,… the procedure must also assure a prompt judicial decision, to minimize the deterrent effect of an interim and possibly erroneous denial of a license.

Second, the power of the MTRCB to determine what can be shown or broadcasted and what cannot under P.D. No. 1986 also appears to be unconstitutional. It is contrary to the fundamental tenet of freedom of
speech that until and unless speech is found by the courts to be unprotected its expression must be allowed. As explained by Justice Mendoza in his dissent in Iglesia ni Cristo:40

The power to classify includes the power to censor. The Board can x-rate films and TV programs and thus ban their public exhibition or broadcast. And once it declares that a motion picture or television program is, for example, indecent or contrary to law, xxx… its declaration becomes the law. Unless the producer or exhibitor is willing to go to court, shouldering not only the burden of showing that his movie or television program is constitutionally protected but also the cost of litigation, the ban stays. This is censorship in its baldest form. This is contrary to the fundamental tenet of our law that until and unless speech is found by the courts to be unprotected its expression must be allowed (emphasis supplied).

Worth noting is the view of Justice Mendoza, following American law, that only judges may administer a system of prior restraint (in those cases where it may be validly imposed) appears to be sound. He gave
three reasons, to wit: First is that the censor’s bias is to censor. Second is that “only a judicial determination in an adversary proceeding ensures the necessary sensitivity to freedom of expression.” xxx Third, the members of the Board do not have the security of tenure and of fiscal autonomy necessary to secure their independence.41

Third, with respect to the grounds upon which the MTRCB may censor certain films and television programs, which included a disturbing proviso “such as but not limited to.”42 With this proviso, the MTRCB can ban any motion picture or television program according to its whims and caprices. This appears to be unconstitutional under the “void for vagueness doctrine” and the “overbreadth doctrine” in Constitutional Law. The vagueness doctrine states that if the government prohibits certain acts through a law and it does not define those acts clearly, then that law is unconstitutional, while the overbreadth doctrine provides that if a statute is so broadly written that it deters free expression, then it can be struck down on its face because of its chilling effect – even if it also prohibits acts that may legitimately be forbidden.43

Free speech is very important, if not indispensable, in a democratic and republican State. No wonder Wendell Phillips called it as “the instrument and guarantee and the bright and consummate flower of all liberty.” For without it, democracy fails. As noted by a well-known author in constitutional law, “this is the first right that is always curtailed when a free society falls under a repressive regime.”44 Therefore, it is imperative that all of us must defend and protect it by any means necessary if we are to be true to the words of our Constitution that “sovereignty resides in the people and all government
authority emanates from them.”45

In short, we should always vigorously assert our precious right to speak, just like the gallant dissenting opinions of the great jurists who once walked in the halls of our courts during darker years, unheard of, but now fill the pages of our legal treatises, unless we prefer to live anew under a dark oppressive regime. In closing, it is fitting to cite the realization of Justice Padilla in his dissent in Iglesia ni Cristo,46 “It is far better for the individual to live in a climate of free speech and free expression, devoid of prior restraints, even at the risk of occasional excesses of such freedoms than to exist in an ambiance of censorship which is always a step closer to autocracy and dictatorship.

1 Blo Umpar Adiong v. Commission on Elections, 207 SCRA 712, 716 (1992
2 ID
3 On July 26, 2005, the MTRCB suspension order was lifted (“Censors lift ‘Ang Dating Daan,’” available at [last accessed on December 31, 2005]) apparently to preclude any tribunal from ruling on the matter. Nevertheless, discussion of the merits of the case shall proceed in this paper as this is a mere academic exercise and considering the fact that it involves a paramount right in our hierarchy of civil liberties.
A COMMENTARY 203 (1996) [hereinafter BERNAS].
5 Id. at 204.
6 U.S. CONST, First Amendment. Emphases supplied.
7 Thomas v. Chicago Park District, 534 U.S. 316 (2002).
8 BERNAS, at 204 citing U.S. v. Bustos, 37 Phil. 731 (1918).
9 See BERNAS, at 203-204.
10 250 U.S. 616 (1919).
11 CONST., art. III.
13 I.A. CRUZ, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 200 (2000) [hereinafter CRUZ].
14 279 U.S. 644.
15 319 U.S. 624 (1943).
16 CRUZ, at 200-201.
17 GOROSPE, at 440. But See Movie and Television Review and Classification Board v. ABS-CBN, G.R. No. 155282, January 17, 2005, where the Court, through Justice Sandoval-Gutierrez, said that “there has been no declaration at all by the framers of the Constitution that freedom of expression and of the
press has a preferred status.” It concluded that it is “a freedom bearing no preferred status.”
18 BERNAS, at 205.
19 160 SCRA 861 (1988).
20 SeeFar Eastern Broadcasting v. Dans, Jr., 137 SCRA 628 (1985) and Gonzales v. Kalaw Katigbak, 137 SCRA 717 (1985).
21 COOLEY, CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS 421 (1808), as cited in BERNAS, at 205-206 (Emphases supplied).
22 Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568 (1942).
23 249 U.S. 47 (1919).
24 80 Phil. 71(1948).
25 Cabansag v. Fernandez, 102 Phil. 152 (1957).
26 GOROSPE, at 469 citing Ayer Productions v. Capulong, 160 SCRA 861 (1988), which cited the separate opinion of Justice Castro in Gonzales v. Commission on Elections, 27 SCRA 835 (1969).
27 GOROSPE, at 445.
28 132 SCRA 316 (1984).
29 GOROSPE, at 445.
30 Separate opinion of Justice Mendoza in Cruz v. Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources, 347 SCRA 128 (2000).
31 Id.
32 Virginia v. Hicks, 539 U.S. 113 (2003).
33 Burstyn v. Wilson, 343 U.S. 495 (1952).
34 Section 3. Powers and Functions – The Board shall have the following functions, powers, and duties:
a) To promulgate such rules and regulations as are necessary or proper for the implementation of this Act, and the accomplishment of its purposes and objectives, including guidelines and standards for production, advertising and titles. of Presidential Decree 1986, otherwise known as the MTRCB Charter. Perusal of the specific powers of the MTRCB would reveal that it does not have the power to suspend any person from appearing on television. What it does have is the power “to approve or disapprove… Such rules and regulations shall take effect after fifteen (15) days following their publication in newspapers of general circulation in the Philippines;
b) To screen, review and examine all motion pictures as herein defined, television programs, including publicity materials such as advertisements, trailers and stills, whether such motion pictures and publicity materials be for theatrical or non-theatrical distribution, for television broadcast or for general viewing,
imported or produced in the Philippines, and in the latter case, whether they be for local viewing or export;
c) To approve or disapprove, delete objectionable portions from and/or prohibit the importation, exportation, production, copying, distribution, sale, lease, exhibition and/or television broadcast of the motion pictures, television programs and publicity materials subject to the preceding paragraph, which in the judgment
of the Board applying contemporary Filipino cultural values as standard, are objectionable for being immoral, indecent, contrary to law and/or good customs, injurious to the prestige of the Republic of the Philippines or its people, or with a dangerous tendency to encourage the commission of violence or of a wrong crime, such as but not limited to:
i ) Those which tend to incite subversion, insurrection, rebellion or sedition against the State, or otherwise threaten the economic and/or political stability of the State;
ii) Those which tend to undermine the faith and confidence of the people in their government and/or the duly constituted authorities;
iii) Those which glorify criminals or condone crimes;
iv) Those which serve no other purpose but to satisfy the market for violence or pornography;
v) Those which tend to abet the traffic in and use of prohibited drugs;
vi) Those which are libelous or defamatory to the good name and reputation of any person, whether living or dead; and
vii) Those which may constitute contempt of court or of any quasi-judicial tribunal, or pertain to matters which are sub-judice in nature Provided, however, that deletions or cuts must not be made on the master
negative of the films, and that such master negative shall be deposited with the Film Archives of the Philippines and shall be released for export purposes to the film owner only upon showing of the proper export permit; Provided, finally, that the film owner shall execute a sworn undertaking that such master negative shall be exclusively used for export purposes and not for local viewing; xxx prohibit… xxx exhibition and or television broadcast of the motion pictures, television programs and publicity materials subject to the
preceding paragraph, which, in the judgment of the Board applying contemporary Filipino cultural values as standard, are objectionable
d) To supervise, regulate, and grant, deny or cancel, permits for the importation, exportation, production, copying, distribution, sale, lease, exhibition, and/or television broadcast of all motion pictures, television programs and publicity materials, to the end that no such pictures, programs and materials as are determined
by the Board to be objectionable in accordance with paragraph (c) hereof shall be imported, exported, produced, copied, reproduced, distributed, sold, leased, exhibited and/or broadcast by television;
e) To classify motion pictures, television programs and similar shows into categories such as “G” “For General Patronage” (all ages admitted), “P” or “Parental Guidance Suggested”, “R” or “Restricted” (for adults only), “X” or “Not for Public Viewing”, or such other categories as the Board may determine for the public interest;
f) To close moviehouses and other similar establishments engaged in the public exhibition of motion pictures and television programs which violate the provisions of this Act and the rules and regulations promulgated by the Board pursuant hereto;
g) To levy, assess and collect, and periodically adjust and revise the rates of, fees and charges for the work of review and examination and for the issuance of the licenses and permits which the Board is authorized to grant in the exercise of its powers and functions and in the performance of its duties and responsibilities;
h) To deputize representatives from the government and from various associations in the movie industry, whose main duties shall be to help ensure compliance with all laws relative to the importation, exportation, copying, distribution, sale, lease, exhibition and/or television broadcast of motion pictures, television programs, advertisements and publicity materials. For this purpose, the Board may constitute such regulatory council or councils composed of representatives form the government and the movie and television industry as may be appropriate to implement the purposes and objectives of this Act. The Board may also call on any law enforcement agency for assistance in the implementation and enforcement of its decisions, orders or awards;
i) To cause the prosecution, on behalf of the People of the Philippines, of violators of this Act, of anti-trust, obscenity, censorship and other laws pertinent to the movie and television industry;
j ) To prescribe the internal and operational procedures for the exercise of its powers and functions as well as the performance of its duties and responsibilities, for being immoral, indecent, contrary to law and/or good customs…”35 including the creation and vesting of authority upon sub-committees of the Board
for the work of review and other related matters; and
k) To exercise such other powers and functions as may be necessary or incidental to the attainment of the purposes and objectives of this Act, and to perform such other related duties and responsibilities as may be directed by the President of the Philippines.
35 P.D. 1986, ž 3 (c).
36 259 SCRA 529, 570-571 (1996).
37 Id at 567.
38 Id at 545-546.
39 380 U.S. 51 (1965).
40 259 SCRA 529, 575 (1996).
41 Dissenting Opinion in Iglesia ni Cristo v. Court of Appeals, 259 SCRA 529 (1996). However, the Majority Opinion, through Justice Puno, said, “While the thesis has a lot to commend itself, we are not ready to hold that it is unconstitutional for Congress to grant an administrative body quasi-judicial power to preview and classify TV programs and enforce its decision subject to review by our courts.
42 P.D. No. 1986, ž 3 (c).
43 BLACK’S Law DICTIONARY (2nd pocket ed.-2001).
44 CRUZ, at 198.

First published by JAMES BENEDICT F. PANOPIO
UST LAW REVIEW, Vol. L, AY 2005–2006